France's Ties With African Leaders Fading
By JAMEY KEATEN
Associated Press Writer
Apr 21, 2006
When hundreds of rebels in pickup trucks attacked his capital, Chad's President Idriss Deby did what comes naturally: He telephoned French President Jacques Chirac.
Now, with Chirac nearing the end of his tenure, France's tradition of close personal ties with leaders of its former African colonies appears on the way out — and other world powers could fill the void.
Like predecessors stretching back to Charles de Gaulle, Chirac has long had an African connection and has built many African contacts over his four decades in politics. As president since 1995, he has continued the practice of holding summits with African leaders every two years.
For France, the payoff has been both economic and diplomatic. From regimes France backs militarily, Paris receives support at the United Nations. African leaders in turn enjoy French military, economic and technical assistance.
But Chirac's sagging political fortunes, his health problems and advancing age — he turns 74 this year — make it highly unlikely that he will stand for another presidential term in 2007. With him gone, to whom will Deby and other African leaders turn?
"The departure of Chirac from the political scene will change the nature of relations between France and Africa," said Africa expert Albert Boungi, an international law professor at Reims University, east of Paris.
France's moribund economy and its fading reputation in Africa because of its support of unpopular leaders mean France's clout is increasingly embodied in Chirac, Bourgi said. Despite France's long history in Africa, none of the politicians seen as likely successors have his ties to Africa, and none are likely to be as interventionist on the continent.
The United States, and possibly China, could step in, mainly to tap oil. Chad exports 160,000 barrels a day through a U.S.-Malaysia consortium including Exxon Mobil, Chevron and Petronas.
"The Americans are starting to widen their influence gradually," said Bourgi. "They aren't against the French but they are benefiting a bit from the withdrawal of France from Africa."
Chad gained independence from France in 1960, but the French military has had four operations there since then. The current one, code-named "Epervier," or "Sparrowhawk," includes 1,200 troops, three Puma helicopters and six Mirage fighter jets.
France has thousands of troops in its former African colonial empire, with missions to help maintain stability, provide military training and logistical support, and protect French citizens. France has 4,000 troops in Ivory Coast, 2,900 in Djibouti, 1,000 in Gabon and 1,200 in Senegal, according to the French Defense Ministry.
Relations between Britain — Africa's other major former colonial power — and its one-time colonies also often are close, but they did not develop along the same lines, for cultural and political reasons. Africans under French rule could aspire to French citizenship and former French colonies pegged their currencies to the franc and now the euro, while Britain kept its African subjects at a distance.
France says stability is priority No. 1 in its former African colonies. Its frequent calls for greater democracy in Africa often ring hollow, given France's track record of dealing with despots and leaders-for-life in many countries over the years, seemingly more comfortable with familiar dictators than the unknowns democracy might bring.
In Chad, France supported Hissene Habre, then backed Deby after he led a coup against Habre in 1990. Deby received military training in France.
As rebels poured into Chad's capital, N'djamena, on April 13, Chadian government forces, supported by French intelligence, were waiting. The government said at least 350 people were killed. Deby has been quoted as saying France played a crucial role in providing intelligence about the assault, and the rebels have complained that France is propping up a dictator.
After several phone conversations, Deby followed Chirac's suggestion to appeal to the U.N. Security Council, where France is a permanent member, Chirac's office said.
France quickly condemned the attempt to seize power by force, and its diplomats in New York have said the council is preparing to urge Chad and Sudan to hold to a February pledge not to destabilize each other.
Mohamed Tetemadi Bangoura of the Political and Strategic Observatory on Africa in Paris says Deby is facing international isolation by not cooperating fully with the World Bank, and has been losing support among poor and increasingly discontent Chadians.
"Without France, Deby would be gone ... Corruption is a real problem," said Bangoura, author of a book on Chad.
"For France, the issue is about geopolitical positioning ... You cannot rule out the colonial mentality," he said.
Associated Press Writer
Apr 21, 2006
When hundreds of rebels in pickup trucks attacked his capital, Chad's President Idriss Deby did what comes naturally: He telephoned French President Jacques Chirac.
Now, with Chirac nearing the end of his tenure, France's tradition of close personal ties with leaders of its former African colonies appears on the way out — and other world powers could fill the void.
Like predecessors stretching back to Charles de Gaulle, Chirac has long had an African connection and has built many African contacts over his four decades in politics. As president since 1995, he has continued the practice of holding summits with African leaders every two years.
For France, the payoff has been both economic and diplomatic. From regimes France backs militarily, Paris receives support at the United Nations. African leaders in turn enjoy French military, economic and technical assistance.
But Chirac's sagging political fortunes, his health problems and advancing age — he turns 74 this year — make it highly unlikely that he will stand for another presidential term in 2007. With him gone, to whom will Deby and other African leaders turn?
"The departure of Chirac from the political scene will change the nature of relations between France and Africa," said Africa expert Albert Boungi, an international law professor at Reims University, east of Paris.
France's moribund economy and its fading reputation in Africa because of its support of unpopular leaders mean France's clout is increasingly embodied in Chirac, Bourgi said. Despite France's long history in Africa, none of the politicians seen as likely successors have his ties to Africa, and none are likely to be as interventionist on the continent.
The United States, and possibly China, could step in, mainly to tap oil. Chad exports 160,000 barrels a day through a U.S.-Malaysia consortium including Exxon Mobil, Chevron and Petronas.
"The Americans are starting to widen their influence gradually," said Bourgi. "They aren't against the French but they are benefiting a bit from the withdrawal of France from Africa."
Chad gained independence from France in 1960, but the French military has had four operations there since then. The current one, code-named "Epervier," or "Sparrowhawk," includes 1,200 troops, three Puma helicopters and six Mirage fighter jets.
France has thousands of troops in its former African colonial empire, with missions to help maintain stability, provide military training and logistical support, and protect French citizens. France has 4,000 troops in Ivory Coast, 2,900 in Djibouti, 1,000 in Gabon and 1,200 in Senegal, according to the French Defense Ministry.
Relations between Britain — Africa's other major former colonial power — and its one-time colonies also often are close, but they did not develop along the same lines, for cultural and political reasons. Africans under French rule could aspire to French citizenship and former French colonies pegged their currencies to the franc and now the euro, while Britain kept its African subjects at a distance.
France says stability is priority No. 1 in its former African colonies. Its frequent calls for greater democracy in Africa often ring hollow, given France's track record of dealing with despots and leaders-for-life in many countries over the years, seemingly more comfortable with familiar dictators than the unknowns democracy might bring.
In Chad, France supported Hissene Habre, then backed Deby after he led a coup against Habre in 1990. Deby received military training in France.
As rebels poured into Chad's capital, N'djamena, on April 13, Chadian government forces, supported by French intelligence, were waiting. The government said at least 350 people were killed. Deby has been quoted as saying France played a crucial role in providing intelligence about the assault, and the rebels have complained that France is propping up a dictator.
After several phone conversations, Deby followed Chirac's suggestion to appeal to the U.N. Security Council, where France is a permanent member, Chirac's office said.
France quickly condemned the attempt to seize power by force, and its diplomats in New York have said the council is preparing to urge Chad and Sudan to hold to a February pledge not to destabilize each other.
Mohamed Tetemadi Bangoura of the Political and Strategic Observatory on Africa in Paris says Deby is facing international isolation by not cooperating fully with the World Bank, and has been losing support among poor and increasingly discontent Chadians.
"Without France, Deby would be gone ... Corruption is a real problem," said Bangoura, author of a book on Chad.
"For France, the issue is about geopolitical positioning ... You cannot rule out the colonial mentality," he said.
posted by Hanan Elbadry at 11:16 AM
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