U.S. Sets New Mission For Keeping The Peace
Pentagon Seeks Better Ways to Foster Postwar Stability and Reconstruction
By Neil King Jr. and Greg Jaffe, Staff Reporters Of The Wall Street Journal
Wall Street Journal
January 3, 2006
WSHINGTON -- The difficulties of rebuilding Iraq after toppling Saddam Hussein have taught President Bush a painful lesson: Aftermaths can be tougher than wars. Now the administration is trying to recalibrate the military and foreign service to better handle postwar developments in future conflicts.
For the first time, the Pentagon has declared that, along with battling foes, the ability to foster stability and reconstruction is one of its core missions.
The administration also planted the seed for a corps of trained nation builders in 2004 when it created an Office of the Coordinator for Reconstruction and Stabilization in the State Department. The 55-person shop is staffed largely by officials on loan from the Defense Department, the Central Intelligence Agency and other agencies. It tries to anticipate the next global hot spot -- be it Sudan or North Korea -- and prepares to deploy as the main U.S. postwar coordinator wherever a need might arise.
There is some debate about whether -- and how quickly -- to turn the operation into something bigger, including a large reserve corps that would work alongside a U.S. military that is emphasizing nation-building more and more in the way it trains troops and plans for battles.
With finances tight, Congress isn't rushing to budget the money. One senior Pentagon official says he has heard objections from both Democrats and Republicans on Capitol Hill. Their worry: elevating the importance of nation-building will, over time, divert funds from the nation's ability to wage all-out war and leave the military less prepared to counter an unexpected major threat from a country such as China. And legislators in both parties are wary of more Iraq-style adventures.
"There is wide recognition of the need to professionalize our response to postwar challenges," says James Dobbins, who oversaw a host of U.S. rebuilding efforts during the 1990s, mainly at the State Department, and who is now at the Rand Corp. think tank. "But there is also a whole range of criticism that says, 'If we get better at this, we might start doing it more often.' "
Supporters point out that after the Cold War -- and well before the recent conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan -- the U.S. plunged into more than 15 different stabilization and reconstruction operations, from Haiti and Bosnia to East Timor and Kosovo. Each effort was undertaken essentially from scratch, by mustering whatever personnel and money the government could.
The postwar operation in Iraq exposed the defects of that approach. They include sketchy advance planning, a deficit of qualified personnel and tensions between the military and diplomats. Even today, Pentagon officials complain that the State Department and other civilian agencies, such as the Justice, Commerce and Agriculture departments, are slow to provide reconstruction experts to help soldiers in the field. That leaves the military doing jobs it says are better suited to civilian experts.
The Bush administration opened the State Department office on a shoestring -- and with little fanfare -- 17 months ago. In 2005, the White House asked Congress to chip in $17 million of start-up funds, but ultimately it got only $7.7 million.
The administration then asked for $124 million for the fiscal year ending in September -- $24 million for staffing and the beginning of a first-response team, with the rest to establish a special crisis fund. Instead of funding the crisis fund, lawmakers have given the Pentagon the authority to transfer as much as $100 million from its budget to the State Department office in the event of a crisis.
Legislators also trimmed the State Department's overall budget request, but without detailing how much should go to the reconstruction office. Now, offices inside the State Department are jockeying with one another over available funds. Advocates for the reconstruction office expect to get less than their desired $24 million.
The Pentagon has pushed hard to persuade lawmakers to fund the State Department office, arguing that many critical nation-building tasks are best performed by civilians. Without strong civilian support, senior military leaders worry they will be left holding the bag.
"In the future, there is always going to be a need for a lot of deployable civilian capacity," said Jeb Nadaner, deputy assistant secretary of defense for stability operations. "Think of all capabilities you need in stability missions." He envisions the new State Department office coordinating contributions from departments as diverse as Treasury, Commerce, Justice and Agriculture.
Whether or not Congress acts, the Pentagon is raising the profile of nation-building operations.
In late November, Deputy Defense Secretary Gordon England signed a Pentagon directive singling out postwar stability and reconstruction operations as a "core U.S. mission" with a priority "comparable to combat operations." More than a year in the making, the directive marked the first time the Pentagon has elevated stability operations to such a level, and it reflects the post-9/11 realization that failed states, such as Afghanistan, pose just as great a threat to U.S. security as industrialized powers.
"This is a revolutionary notion. It is a huge change," said Hans Binnendijk, who teaches at the Pentagon's National Defense University.
The directive orders the military to develop skills such as "foreign language capabilities and regional area expertise." It also mandates for the first time that the services devote part of an officer's education to working with foreign governments as well as foreign aid groups, both of which play key roles in postwar reconstruction operations.
But the Pentagon directive is a bit short on specifics, and it is unclear how much it will change the way the military operates. "Responsibilities are spread a bit thin," Mr. Binnendijk said. "There is no one person in charge of implementation." For the directive to be successful it will need "very strong advocates on the military and civilian side," he said.
There are other signs of change. For the first time since the 1960s, the Army has written a new counterinsurgency doctrine. Its major training centers, through which all units pass on their way to Iraq and Afghanistan, have undergone a massive overhaul.
Instead of leading big, simulated tank battles, officers must fend off insurgent attacks, calm angry crowds and make headway with Iraqi and Afghan role players who play the parts of local mayors. Each month, the military flies in dozens of Iraqi- and Afghan-born U.S. citizens to populate villages made to look like those in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Some officers who have succeeded at stability operations in Iraq are being promoted to positions where they can better shape the future of the Army. For example, Lt. Gen. David Petraeus, who led the 101st Airborne Division in northern Iraq and then oversaw the training and equipping of Iraqi security forces from Baghdad, has been promoted to run the Army's Combined Arms Center at Fort Leavenworth, Kan. There, he is responsible for educating officers and shaping Army thinking on warfare.
By Neil King Jr. and Greg Jaffe, Staff Reporters Of The Wall Street Journal
Wall Street Journal
January 3, 2006
WSHINGTON -- The difficulties of rebuilding Iraq after toppling Saddam Hussein have taught President Bush a painful lesson: Aftermaths can be tougher than wars. Now the administration is trying to recalibrate the military and foreign service to better handle postwar developments in future conflicts.
For the first time, the Pentagon has declared that, along with battling foes, the ability to foster stability and reconstruction is one of its core missions.
The administration also planted the seed for a corps of trained nation builders in 2004 when it created an Office of the Coordinator for Reconstruction and Stabilization in the State Department. The 55-person shop is staffed largely by officials on loan from the Defense Department, the Central Intelligence Agency and other agencies. It tries to anticipate the next global hot spot -- be it Sudan or North Korea -- and prepares to deploy as the main U.S. postwar coordinator wherever a need might arise.
There is some debate about whether -- and how quickly -- to turn the operation into something bigger, including a large reserve corps that would work alongside a U.S. military that is emphasizing nation-building more and more in the way it trains troops and plans for battles.
With finances tight, Congress isn't rushing to budget the money. One senior Pentagon official says he has heard objections from both Democrats and Republicans on Capitol Hill. Their worry: elevating the importance of nation-building will, over time, divert funds from the nation's ability to wage all-out war and leave the military less prepared to counter an unexpected major threat from a country such as China. And legislators in both parties are wary of more Iraq-style adventures.
"There is wide recognition of the need to professionalize our response to postwar challenges," says James Dobbins, who oversaw a host of U.S. rebuilding efforts during the 1990s, mainly at the State Department, and who is now at the Rand Corp. think tank. "But there is also a whole range of criticism that says, 'If we get better at this, we might start doing it more often.' "
Supporters point out that after the Cold War -- and well before the recent conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan -- the U.S. plunged into more than 15 different stabilization and reconstruction operations, from Haiti and Bosnia to East Timor and Kosovo. Each effort was undertaken essentially from scratch, by mustering whatever personnel and money the government could.
The postwar operation in Iraq exposed the defects of that approach. They include sketchy advance planning, a deficit of qualified personnel and tensions between the military and diplomats. Even today, Pentagon officials complain that the State Department and other civilian agencies, such as the Justice, Commerce and Agriculture departments, are slow to provide reconstruction experts to help soldiers in the field. That leaves the military doing jobs it says are better suited to civilian experts.
The Bush administration opened the State Department office on a shoestring -- and with little fanfare -- 17 months ago. In 2005, the White House asked Congress to chip in $17 million of start-up funds, but ultimately it got only $7.7 million.
The administration then asked for $124 million for the fiscal year ending in September -- $24 million for staffing and the beginning of a first-response team, with the rest to establish a special crisis fund. Instead of funding the crisis fund, lawmakers have given the Pentagon the authority to transfer as much as $100 million from its budget to the State Department office in the event of a crisis.
Legislators also trimmed the State Department's overall budget request, but without detailing how much should go to the reconstruction office. Now, offices inside the State Department are jockeying with one another over available funds. Advocates for the reconstruction office expect to get less than their desired $24 million.
The Pentagon has pushed hard to persuade lawmakers to fund the State Department office, arguing that many critical nation-building tasks are best performed by civilians. Without strong civilian support, senior military leaders worry they will be left holding the bag.
"In the future, there is always going to be a need for a lot of deployable civilian capacity," said Jeb Nadaner, deputy assistant secretary of defense for stability operations. "Think of all capabilities you need in stability missions." He envisions the new State Department office coordinating contributions from departments as diverse as Treasury, Commerce, Justice and Agriculture.
Whether or not Congress acts, the Pentagon is raising the profile of nation-building operations.
In late November, Deputy Defense Secretary Gordon England signed a Pentagon directive singling out postwar stability and reconstruction operations as a "core U.S. mission" with a priority "comparable to combat operations." More than a year in the making, the directive marked the first time the Pentagon has elevated stability operations to such a level, and it reflects the post-9/11 realization that failed states, such as Afghanistan, pose just as great a threat to U.S. security as industrialized powers.
"This is a revolutionary notion. It is a huge change," said Hans Binnendijk, who teaches at the Pentagon's National Defense University.
The directive orders the military to develop skills such as "foreign language capabilities and regional area expertise." It also mandates for the first time that the services devote part of an officer's education to working with foreign governments as well as foreign aid groups, both of which play key roles in postwar reconstruction operations.
But the Pentagon directive is a bit short on specifics, and it is unclear how much it will change the way the military operates. "Responsibilities are spread a bit thin," Mr. Binnendijk said. "There is no one person in charge of implementation." For the directive to be successful it will need "very strong advocates on the military and civilian side," he said.
There are other signs of change. For the first time since the 1960s, the Army has written a new counterinsurgency doctrine. Its major training centers, through which all units pass on their way to Iraq and Afghanistan, have undergone a massive overhaul.
Instead of leading big, simulated tank battles, officers must fend off insurgent attacks, calm angry crowds and make headway with Iraqi and Afghan role players who play the parts of local mayors. Each month, the military flies in dozens of Iraqi- and Afghan-born U.S. citizens to populate villages made to look like those in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Some officers who have succeeded at stability operations in Iraq are being promoted to positions where they can better shape the future of the Army. For example, Lt. Gen. David Petraeus, who led the 101st Airborne Division in northern Iraq and then oversaw the training and equipping of Iraqi security forces from Baghdad, has been promoted to run the Army's Combined Arms Center at Fort Leavenworth, Kan. There, he is responsible for educating officers and shaping Army thinking on warfare.
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